Key Arguments

• Under 'Relationship to the economy:', Weber first claims: '1. The antiauthoritarian redefinition of charisma normally involves a shift towards rationality.', signalling a general directional tendency.
• He explains that 'The plebiscitary ruler usually seeks support in an official staff able to work in a prompt and efficient manner.', which requires rational organisation of administration.
• Such a ruler 'will aim to win acceptance of “proof” of his charisma among those over whom he rules, either by military glory or by improving their material welfare, in some cases pursuing both aims jointly.', tying charismatic validation to rationally achievable outcomes like victory and prosperity.
• Weber identifies as the primary political objective 'the destruction of traditional, feudal, patrimonial, or other authoritarian powers and privileges;', thus clearing away institutions obstructing rational-legal reorganisation.
• As a secondary objective, 'he secondary aim will be to create economic interests associated with his person through the solidarity of legitimacy.', indicating deliberate creation of interest coalitions bound to the leader.
• He adds that 'To the extent that he makes use of the formality and legalisation provided by the law, he is in so doing able to actively promote “formally” rational economic organisation.', explicitly linking legal-constitutional forms to the spread of formally rational capitalism.
• Weber presents 'Bonapartism' as 'the classical paradigm' for this pattern, emphasising that 'Napoleon Bonaparte introduced the Napoleonic Code [Code Napoléon] with compulsory partible inheritance, destroying all established powers.', thereby rationalising private law and eroding feudal structures.
• He notes that Napoleon rewarded merit militarily—'He did, on the other hand, distribute fiefs to the meritorious, such that the soldier got everything and the citizen nothing, so there was glory, and on the whole, the petty bourgeoisie did tolerably well.'—showing the creation of new economic and status interests attached to his rule.
• Napoleon III's policy 'adopted Louis Philippe’s principle of enrichissez-vous and promoted large building projects, but the development of Crédit mobilier ended badly, as we know.', illustrating both the material-welfare strategy and its financial-rational limits.

Source Quotes

And this also accounts for the limitation of rationality in this form of administration in modern times, which even in America did not always live up to expectations. Relationship to the economy: 1. The antiauthoritarian redefinition of charisma normally involves a shift towards rationality. The plebiscitary ruler usually seeks support in an official staff able to work in a prompt and efficient manner.

The antiauthoritarian redefinition of charisma normally involves a shift towards rationality. The plebiscitary ruler usually seeks support in an official staff able to work in a prompt and efficient manner. The ruler will aim to win acceptance of “proof” of his charisma among those over whom he rules, either by military glory or by improving their material welfare, in some cases pursuing both aims jointly.

The plebiscitary ruler usually seeks support in an official staff able to work in a prompt and efficient manner. The ruler will aim to win acceptance of “proof” of his charisma among those over whom he rules, either by military glory or by improving their material welfare, in some cases pursuing both aims jointly. His primary objective will be the destruction of traditional, feudal, patrimonial, or other authoritarian powers and privileges; he secondary aim will be to create economic interests associated with his person through the solidarity of legitimacy.

The ruler will aim to win acceptance of “proof” of his charisma among those over whom he rules, either by military glory or by improving their material welfare, in some cases pursuing both aims jointly. His primary objective will be the destruction of traditional, feudal, patrimonial, or other authoritarian powers and privileges; he secondary aim will be to create economic interests associated with his person through the solidarity of legitimacy. To the extent that he makes use of the formality and legalisation provided by the law, he is in so doing able to actively promote “formally” rational economic organisation.

His primary objective will be the destruction of traditional, feudal, patrimonial, or other authoritarian powers and privileges; he secondary aim will be to create economic interests associated with his person through the solidarity of legitimacy. To the extent that he makes use of the formality and legalisation provided by the law, he is in so doing able to actively promote “formally” rational economic organisation. 2.

This provides the Chancen that there will be a sufficient margin to take into account the costs generated by the almost inevitable corruption of elected officials, and so despite this, make large-scale profits. For Section 1, Bonapartism is the classical paradigm. Napoleon Bonaparte introduced the Napoleonic Code [Code Napoléon] with compulsory partible inheritance, destroying all established powers.

For Section 1, Bonapartism is the classical paradigm. Napoleon Bonaparte introduced the Napoleonic Code [Code Napoléon] with compulsory partible inheritance, destroying all established powers. He did, on the other hand, distribute fiefs to the meritorious, such that the soldier got everything and the citizen nothing, so there was glory, and on the whole, the petty bourgeoisie did tolerably well.

Napoleon Bonaparte introduced the Napoleonic Code [Code Napoléon] with compulsory partible inheritance, destroying all established powers. He did, on the other hand, distribute fiefs to the meritorious, such that the soldier got everything and the citizen nothing, so there was glory, and on the whole, the petty bourgeoisie did tolerably well. Napoleon III adopted Louis Philippe’s principle of enrichissez-vous and promoted large building projects, but the development of Crédit mobilier ended badly, as we know.

He did, on the other hand, distribute fiefs to the meritorious, such that the soldier got everything and the citizen nothing, so there was glory, and on the whole, the petty bourgeoisie did tolerably well. Napoleon III adopted Louis Philippe’s principle of enrichissez-vous and promoted large building projects, but the development of Crédit mobilier ended badly, as we know. For Section 2, the classical example is Greek “democracy” during the period of Pericles and after.

Key Concepts

• Relationship to the economy: 1. The antiauthoritarian redefinition of charisma normally involves a shift towards rationality.
• The plebiscitary ruler usually seeks support in an official staff able to work in a prompt and efficient manner.
• The ruler will aim to win acceptance of “proof” of his charisma among those over whom he rules, either by military glory or by improving their material welfare, in some cases pursuing both aims jointly.
• His primary objective will be the destruction of traditional, feudal, patrimonial, or other authoritarian powers and privileges; he secondary aim will be to create economic interests associated with his person through the solidarity of legitimacy.
• To the extent that he makes use of the formality and legalisation provided by the law, he is in so doing able to actively promote “formally” rational economic organisation.
• For Section 1, Bonapartism is the classical paradigm.
• Napoleon Bonaparte introduced the Napoleonic Code [Code Napoléon] with compulsory partible inheritance, destroying all established powers.
• He did, on the other hand, distribute fiefs to the meritorious, such that the soldier got everything and the citizen nothing, so there was glory, and on the whole, the petty bourgeoisie did tolerably well.
• Napoleon III adopted Louis Philippe’s principle of enrichissez-vous and promoted large building projects, but the development of Crédit mobilier ended badly, as we know.

Context

First economic subsection under 'Relationship to the economy' in §14, followed by the Bonapartist illustration, where Weber explains how plebiscitary, antiauthoritarian charisma can foster rationalisation of administration and law while creating new interest structures.